In the early 1920's,
settlers came to Alaska looking for gold. They traveled by boat to the coastal
towns of Seward and Knik, and from there by land into the gold fields. The
trail they used to travel inland is known today as the lditarod Trail, one of the
National Historic Trails designated by the congress of the United States. The
Iditarod Trail quickly became a major thoroughfare in Alaska, as the mail and
supplies were carried across this trail. People also used it to get from place
to place, including the priests, ministers, and judges who had to travel
between villages down this trail was via god sled. Once the gold rush ended,
many gold-seekers went back to where they had come from, and suddenly there was
much less travel on the lditarod Trail. The introduction of the airplane in the
late 1920's meant dog teams were mode of transportation, of course airplane
carrying the mail and supplies, there was less need for land travel in general.
The final blow to the use of the dog teams was the appearance of snowmoniles.
By the mid 1960's most Alasknas didn't even know the lditarod Trail existed, or
that dos teens had played a crucial role in Alaska's early settlements. Dorothy
G.Page, a self-made historian, recognized how few people knew about the former
use of sled dogs as working animals and about the Iditarod Trail's role in
Alaska's colorful history. To she came up with the idea to have a god sled race
over the Iditarod Trail. She presented her idea to an enthusiastic musher, as
dog sled drivers are known, named Joe Redington, Sr. Soon the pages and the
Redintons were working together to promote the idea of the Iditarod race. Many
people worked to make the first Iditarod Trail Sled Dog Race a reality in 1967.
The Aurora Dog Mushers Club, along with men from the Adult Camp in Sutton,
helped clear years of overgrowth from the first nine miles of the Iditarod
Trail. To raise interest in the race, a $25,000 purse was offered, with Joe
Redington donating one acre of his land to help raise the funds. The short race,
approximately 27 miles long, was put on a second time in 1969. After these
first two successful races, the goal was to lengthen the race a little further
to the ghost town of Iditarod by 1973. However in 1972, the U.S. Army reopened
the trail as a winter exercise, and so in 1973, the decision was made to take
the race all the way to the city of Nome-over 1,000 miles. There were who
believed it could bot be done and that it wad crazy to send a bunch out into
vast, uninhabited Alaskan wilderness. But the race went! 22 mushers finished
that year, and to date over 400 people have completed it.
The primary purpose of
this passage is to
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for
women in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be
churlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about
sweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents
displays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in
government pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory
process that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from
the start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government
organizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty
declaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.
The policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a
decision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their
economic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of
control of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat
level, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary
rights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that
actual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment
of socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting
development programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific
situations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,
which is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an
equal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police
stations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the
generally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic
violence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect
of sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its
implementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the
political and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures
in society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger
that reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater
visibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote
seeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and
the ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their
priorities.
Which of the following is
most nearly the same in meaning to ‘callousness’ as used in the passage?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for
women in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be
churlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about
sweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents
displays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in
government pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory
process that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from
the start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government
organizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty
declaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.
The policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a
decision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their
economic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of
control of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat
level, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary
rights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that
actual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment
of socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting
development programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific
situations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,
which is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an
equal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police
stations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the
generally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic
violence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect
of sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its
implementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the
political and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures
in society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger
that reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater
visibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote
seeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and
the ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their
priorities.
According to the passage, which of the following is a
consequence of rural-urban migration?
